Sunday, February 28, 2010
Language in a Sphere
socio qué!!!!
Saturday, February 27, 2010
Sociolinguistics vs. Sociology of the language
Tuesday, February 23, 2010
Language is like cooking.
Sólo quería compartir con ustedes una metáfora que Kim Potowski nos presentó allá en UCLA. Estaba hablando sobre métodos de enseñar la escritura a nuestros queridos alumnos de herencia y ponía de relieve la importancia de darles a los estudiantes instrucciones bien detalladas. Además, subrayaba la necesidad de proveer rúbricas transparentes. Algunos dicen que tantas instrucciones, llenas de ejemplos, puede matar la creatividad de los alumnos. Potowski argumenta el contrario. Dice que Pablo Picasso tenía que aprender los métodos clásicos del arte antes de poder expresar su creatividad e ir más allá de las reglas. Ella propone que es lo mismo con los estudiantes (en este caso de lenguas heredadas, pero se aplica también a estudiantes de segundo idioma). Ellos quieren desarrollar sus habilidades en la redacción, pero necesitan buenas instrucciones tal como un adolescente de quince años necesita una receta con muchos detalles. Si se le dice a un muchacho de quince años que haga una cena de rigatoni, pues, los resultados son dudosos e infinitos. Sin embargo, si se le explica muy bien, tomando en cuenta todos los posibles errores, entonces le saldrá mucho mejor. Después de aprender como sofreír, hervir la pasta, picar las verduras y medir los ingredientes, entonces se puede utilizar estas herramientas para crear algo nuevo—y de ahí sale una creatividad tremenda.
Sunday, February 21, 2010
Tolerancia!!!!
Saturday, February 20, 2010
Negative Language Stigmas
Tuesday, February 16, 2010
El sentimentalismo
Sunday, February 14, 2010
Castigo???
Thursday, February 11, 2010
Language maintenance and loss: Another viewpoint
Once again I must talk about the general sociolinguistics class I took last semester, because one of the articles from that class is, I think, relevant when considered in the context of this class. It is well-known that English is the overwhelmingly dominant language in this country. Since so much emphasis is placed on the promotion of this language in the United States and globally, sometimes it is difficult to really remember that English is in fact a minority language in some areas of the world.
The article I want to briefly summarize brought this blaringly to light for me, and I think that is both eye-opening and ironic. In their 1987 article titled "The Philadelphia story in the Spanish Caribbean," Shana Poplack and David Sankoff examine a small community of native English-speakers who reside in the Dominican Republic. Their discussion basically concludes that the situation of English there is identical to that of Spanish here, excepting a continuous influx of language-maintaining immigrants. The language is being lost in the younger generations, despite their parents' best efforts to maintain it. While I in no way celebrate the loss of any language anywhere in the world, it was a "nice" change of pace to read that English does not occupy such a hegemonic position in all corners of the globe.
Wednesday, February 10, 2010
LEP or FEP
Not only were there such gangs similar to SJHS, RGHS also had LEP and FEP programs. I do not believe those programs compared to SJHS, in which disruptive students were placed in, it seemed to be mainly Spanish dominant speakers. Although I considered myself English dominant, I still had trouble in some classes. I remember telling my mom that I did not want to speak Spanish or be considered a Spanish speaker because then I would be put in “certain” classes. My mom would tell me to do whatever I had to, to get the best education. Even though she pushed English for a better education at school, she always made us speak to her in Spanish at home to preserve the language.
As we can see, it is a disadvantage to not get the best education. It is devastating for those students that have dreams of succeeding to be held back of their educational opportunities because they speak Spanish or are not English proficient. I know that this should not discourage people or should be viewed as a stepping stone, but when in high school and living among so much pressure can lead to dropping out. Learning and speaking English as a dominant language in these types of schools is practically seem as a survival method.
Sunday, February 7, 2010
Digging Deeper
One of my central concerns in our reading of various studies of "Southwest" or "Chicano" Spanish is what neat little packages are produced as a result of the studies. We have seen several efforts to catalogue phenomena present in a generalized language group, each of which produces useful and interesting results, even if never truly attending to the motivational complexity intrinsic in language employment. Missing from the discussion of language in the Southwest is its nature as contingent on a constructed identity. It has been mentioned in several articles that language is a signifier of identity; this has been done to this point without a significant exploration of this relational nature nor the implications of hybridity at more than a superficial level.
It is important to understand the constructedness of identity in this target population-- which find themselves along the continuum of interstitiality between resistant and acquiescent to myriad hegemonic agents influential in identity formation. Chican@s situate themselves historically among colonizers and colonized, belonging to a class long steeped in both the winning and losing side of the struggle for cultural primacy. What makes the Chican@ unique, in that sense, is that unlike the Mexican mestizo in diaspora, the Chican@ finds himself caught between currents that transcend generational limits. Chican@ "authenticity" is always in question because it is not germane to any geospatial context. Whereas a characteristic of a Mexican can be attributed to "the way things are in Mexico" just the same way as the characteristic of an Anglo can be pawned off as "Americanness", the Chican@ as an identity is further complicated by the lack of geospatial authenticity that has plagued it since it was "from Mexico" and will continue to do so until it reasserts its primacy as an identity or folds itself into the proverbial hegemonic "melting pot".
The question of geospatial authenticity may be less influential in the case of New Mexicans who reside in their "querencia", a term used affectionately to describe their homeland. To be certain, residence in a given place for longer than the scope of the collective memory is foundational in the establishment of "authenticity". However, there are myriad influences at work in hybridity, not the least of which concern economic status, sexuality, religion, gender, power, and relational identity in an area of contact between more than one culture. While these are all factors that are important in the formation of identity universally, the elusiveness of their definition is further exacerbated by the complex "mixed" nature of Chican@s as a mestizo people. The classic testament to this can be seen in definitions of what it means to be Chican@ as posited by Gloria Anzaldúa, Oscar "Zeta" Acosta, Sandra Cisneros, and Richard Rodriguez.
I'll conclude my thought on the problematic nature of identity as it relates to language employment in Chican@ context, by acknowledging the limitations of what can be accomplished in a blog. My rumination over this topic is intended only to shed light on the superficiality and overgeneralization of clumping the "Southwest" into an ostensibly homogeneous group, not to assert some authority or even "new" perspective on this topic.
Thursday, February 4, 2010
Proyectos Finales
Siempre me cuesta pensar en los proyectos finales. Para mí, la parte más difícil es escoger un tema específico. Siempre tengo alguna idea nebulosa de lo que quiero hacer, pero no siempre logro formarla y hacerla más concreta. A pesar de mis batallas con los proyectos finales, sí he aprendido algo: cuando hablo con la gente sobre mis intereses, se me van formando las ideas. Por lo tanto, quería abrir un espacio donde podemos conversar sobre nuestros proyectos finales. Si les interesa, podemos hacer comentarios, preguntas, compartir recursos y contactos, etc. En cuanto a la clase de Damián, no tengo el sílabo a mano, pero se me hace que vamos a tener que hacer algún estudio linguístico (not sure how to put in the little diéresis over the "u") y quizá algo con el habla vernáculo por medio de entrevistas. ¿Me equivoco? No sé cómo se sienten ustedes, pero yo me siento un poquito intimidado porque nunca he hecho un estudio linguístico formal. A ver qué piensan.
Comments on "Ruling Ethnicity Out"
Tuesday, February 2, 2010
Mi español no es perfecto....
El mantenimiento del español en el estado de Nuevo México es un gran esfuerzo por preservar la cultura e identidad y creo que no sólo se debe motivar sino inlcuso ayudar a que se mantenga no sólo en NM sino en todos los lugares donde se hable el español.
Monday, February 1, 2010
Rule Ethnicity Out
I feel like I have to blog about this because it left me feeling very uneasy after class today. I think that we have to be careful to give due regard to objectivity in our class discussions. In the conversation regarding the teaching of ESL to the Spanish-speaking population, the assertion was made that anglo-saxon ESL teachers were more likely to carry an assimilation agenda. I feel like this assertion is not only impossible to prove, but it is a social attitude that misses the point of what we are trying to study at the University. I maintain and would like to strongly emphasize that ethnicity as an isolated variable has no bearing on an instructor's pedagogical philosophy. That kind of statement leaves our scholarly effort vulnerable to myriad criticisms, not the least of which is carrying a reverse-racist agenda ourselves. So what do we do? I think we can say anecdotally that among a population sector in a given location there are palpable social attitudes that manifest themselves in the classroom in the form of an assimilation agenda. But we have to focus on the fact that they are social and language attitudes that are born of a person's life experience, not of their ethnicity that decides the kind of agenda / pedagogical philosophy carried by an instructor. In other words, it is not the instructor's ethnicity, but rather the context in which they were raised and educated that leads to their social and language attitudes. If we could create an experiment that controlled for the social attitudes that are manifest in language and its instruction, I am very confident that we would find no significant difference in the pedagogical philosophies of ESL instructors when categorized solely on ethnic terms.
Response to "Mexican vs. Chicano Spanish"
In the interest of full disclosure: I was born and raised Chicano, for as much and as little as that entails.
I see a couple of factors that contribute to the problems you are discussing in your blog: 1) The problematic effect of the term "Chicano" applied to a language. 2) A classic case of a social attitude carrying over into the perception of something that should be neutral, in this case language. The effect created by these two problems is that our ability to find valuable extrapolations from this article is greatly reduced. These articles should be useful to us in establishing trends and being able to look for pedagogical ramifications, but the application of such a broadly defined term like Chicano to this data set makes it so diverse that few useful extrapolations can be made from it. Likewise, the introduction of social attitudes into the analysis of language trends complicates the picture to the point where the most you can extract from the data are statements regarding the attitudes themselves.
The definition of the term Chicano is among the most problematic that I have wrestled with. Not only because there is no consensus on the exact parameters of what constitutes a Chicano, but also because it is a term that originated as a form of resistance among a subordinated population. As a result it is a term that has been scorned by both the population being resisted against and by those of the same subordinated population who disagree, for myriad reasons I won't try to document, with at least some component of the resistance of Chicanos. The problematic nature of the term Chicano is exemplified in the readings you reference in this blog. Rosaura Sanchez is very liberal with her use of the term, applying it essentially to all Mexican-Americans who were born north of the border. In contrast, Valdes uses a variety of labels for the same population and makes only indirect reference to Chicanos. I think this leads to a blurring of the lines defining who is saying what about whom, and the intentions/connotations carried therein. In class, Damián expressed that, in his perception, whosoever shall self-identify as Chicano is consequently and necessarily Chicano. This is more restrictive than Sanchez's application of the term, but still posits no qualitative characteristics uniform to the Chicano population other than their own desire to be called Chicano. Consequently, the utility of arguing language to be "Chicano" when founded on such a nondescript definition of that term, as in Sanchez's article, is negligible at best, and probably goes as far as counterproductive.
The blog "Mexican vs. Chicano Spanish" states, "I have met many Mexican Americans that cringe when they hear Chicano Spanish, even more so if they are classified or labeled in the "category", and will often say 'no hables como un Chicano'." This is a classic example of a social attitude manifested in a language attitude. The act of cringing when another person talks is a judgment behavior regarding their language. However, as we see in our linguistic studies, language should be seen as a value neutral means of expression. No dialect of a language is worth more than another. A person's reality is communicated through their language. Differences in speech (other than those attributable to developmental differences) usually reflect reality differences. When someone says don't speak like a Chicano, the logical question to ask is, why not? What is implied is that it being Chicano is inferior to being Mexican. Whether you agree with the implication or not, it is easy to see that this is a situation where the judgment of the Chicano person is more important than the judgment of language. In my opinion, this judgment of language provides nothing to the linguistic picture of Southwest Spanish other than to emphasize the compounded discrimination faced by heritage language learners in their effort to learn the language that belongs to them every bit as much as it belongs to a native speaker from any Spanish-speaking nation.
In my opinion, the value of Sanchez's article is diminished by such a nondescript and problematic term for her language set. Doing so doubly plagues her article. On the one hand it leaves the data set broad to the point that few concrete extrapolations can be made from it, and on the other it invites all of the scrutiny that has been independently extended to the term Chicano. It would seem that only in the case of substantial payoff would one invite such a problematic term into their research.